October 25, 2026 · 5 min read
When Sanjay, a Delhi metro commuter, glanced at his phone as the train screeched into Rajiv Chowk, the headline that caught his eye read: âUS May Strike Iran Today â Trump Says âMaybeââ. In the space of a few seconds his heart leapt, not from excitement but from the familiar dread that a distant war could once again ripple through his cityâs traffic, its markets, its oilâfilled pipelines.
Trumpâs offâtheâcuff âmaybeâ is more than a rhetorical flourish; it is a strategic lever that the United States is testing against Tehran, and the whole world, including India, is watching the lever wobble. The real question for New Delhi is not whether the United States will finally launch missiles, but how India will safeguard its own security, energy needs, and diplomatic standing when the global power balance is deliberately unsettled.
Since the 1970s India has practiced a policy of strategic autonomy, refusing to be a pawn in greatâpower rivalries. That stance survived the Cold War, the rise of China, and the shifting sands of US foreign policy. Yet the current episode tests that resolve. Washington, emboldened by a President who treats foreign policy as a series of personal tweets, is flirting with a direct military response to Iranâs recent missile launches over the Strait of Hormuz â a waterway that ferries about a fifth of the worldâs oil, a significant chunk of which ends up in Indian refineries.
The Indian Ministry of External Affairs has repeatedly urged restraint, warning that any escalation could choke the flow of crude that keeps Mumbaiâs refineries humming and fuel prices in check for the average commuter. The RBI has already signalled that volatility in oil markets would strain inflation targets, a concern that looms larger than ever as food prices already hover near the upper band of the RBIâs 2â6âŻ% tolerance.
Meanwhile, Iranâs own narrative is one of defiance against sanctions that have crippled its economy. Tehranâs recent threats to close the Hormuz corridor are not idle; they are a bargaining chip. If the United States were to strike, the retaliation could be swift, and the collateral damage would inevitably spill over to Indiaâs merchant fleet, which accounts for more than 4âŻ% of global container traffic.
First, an Indian war footing would be costly. The Indian Armyâs annual defence budget is already stretched by commitments on the northern frontier with China and the ongoing insurgency in the northâeast. Deploying naval assets to the Arabian Sea for a USâled operation would divert resources from these critical fronts, leaving the nation vulnerable on two other axes.
Second, Indiaâs energy security is at stake. In 2024, about 80âŻ% of Indiaâs oil imports arrived via the Gulf, with a sizeable share transiting the Hormuz Strait. A US strike could trigger Iranian closures, forcing India to scramble for alternative, pricier routes through the Red Sea and the Suez, or to turn to Russian crude â a move that would further complicate New Delhiâs delicate balancing act with Moscow.
Third, aligning with a unilateral US action would erode Indiaâs credibility as a regional mediator. Nations like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman have repeatedly turned to New Delhi to host backâchannel talks between Tehran and Washington. If India is seen as a junior partner in a US war, its ability to convene such dialogues will vanish, and the entire South Asian security architecture could fragment.
Some analysts argue that India should stand with the United States to present a united front against Beijing, which has been deepening ties with Tehran. They claim that a joint stance would deter China from leveraging Iranian oil to fund its own strategic projects and would reinforce the IndoâUS partnership that underpins the Quad and the recent defence agreements.
That line of reasoning, however, overlooks the fact that Chinaâs relationship with Iran is transactional, not strategic. Beijing purchases oil but does not share intelligence or military support that would compel India to risk its own security. Moreover, a forced alignment with the US could push India into a binary world where every diplomatic move is judged against a USâChina rivalry, stripping New Delhi of the flexibility that has allowed it to negotiate favourable terms in both the energy and technology sectors.
First, New Delhi should publicly reaffirm its call for diplomatic engagement, urging the United Nations Security Council to convene an emergency session. By taking the moral high ground, India can pressure both Washington and Tehran to step back from the brink.
Second, the Ministry of Defence must conduct a rapid risk assessment of the Indian merchant fleet operating in the Gulf, readying contingency plans that include rerouting, convoy protection, and insurance adjustments. The Indian Navy should increase patrols in the Arabian Sea, not as part of a US coalition, but as a sovereign safeguard of Indian commercial interests.
Third, the Ministry of External Affairs should revive the âDelhi Initiativeâ â a trackâtwo diplomatic channel that brings together Iranian, Saudi, Emirati, and Omani officials under Indian auspices. Such a platform would give New Delhi a genuine lever to deâescalate tensions, a role it has successfully played in past regional disputes.
Finally, the RBI and the Ministry of Finance need to brace the domestic economy for possible oil price spikes. Strategic oil reserves should be topped up, and the government must communicate clearly with the public to prevent panicâdriven inflation that could erode the middle classâs purchasing power.
If Washington proceeds with a strike, the immediate fallout will be a spike in oil prices, a surge in regional insecurity, and a diplomatic vacuum that could be filled by less benign powers. If New Delhi stays the course of strategic autonomy, it will not only protect its own interests but also position itself as the only Asian nation capable of steering a deâescalation process.
The world may be on edge, but India need not be a nervous spectator. By refusing to be drawn into a Trumpâstyle âmaybeâ war, India can turn this crisis into an opportunity to cement its role as a stabilising force in the Indian Ocean region and beyond.
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